Presidential Primacy Under the French Fifth Republic

Extract

[...] It actually dates back to the early days of the regime. François Mitterrand's 'The Permanent Coup d'État' is undoubtedly the most famous work denouncing the regime's evolution from that time. But the criticism is also, and above all, a citizen-driven one, with movements hostile to this functioning that ignores the expectations of the population; the yellow vests embody this profound reproach. [...]

[...] Oral interventions by Emmanuel Macron at the Elysée (2019) - Beyond the observation of a presidential predominance, is the presidency of the Republic not weakened? The special place of the Head of State is certainly one of the 'factory marks' of the regime established after the IV Republic. The President of the Republic embodies, in accordance with the principles of the parliamentary regime, one of the two heads of the Executive alongside the Head of Government, the Prime Minister who, himself, directs the action of the Government. [...]

[...] Jacques Chirac, then Prime Minister, did not resign from his duties because he considered himself a 'second' in the functioning of the institutions? With the five-year term, the trend is reinforced; Presidents are all-powerful, both President and Government at the same time. It's just as clear with 'hyper-presidency' of Nicolas Sarkozy as with François Hollande. Emmanuel Macron's presidency is in this vein. In his intervention, Emmanuel Macron justifies this presidential primacy by the election of the President of the Republic by universal direct suffrage. [...]

[...] The newly elected officials could be intoxicated by this situation where, basically, the Prime Minister is just a kind of collaborator. The unpopularity of the presidency is growing and these Presidents of the Republic, supported by 20% of registered voters in the first round, lack support; their legitimacy is fragile. The Prime Minister cannot serve as a fuse for them. The presidency of the Republic is weakened. The criticism of the concentration of power in the hands of the President is long-standing. [...]

[...] The various means available to Parliament to politically control the Government do not, however, threaten government action. If this is the case, it is because the normal functioning of the institutions is characterized by convergent majorities in the National Assembly and in support of the President. The real nuance appears when majorities diverge, when there is a period of cohabitation: the President is then not "superpowerful", and does not have absolute control. The President of the Republic also loses this "hyperpower" when he is disavowed by the people following the rejection of a referendum. [...]