Extract
[...] These groups are seeking recognition of the contribution of citizens to public policies. Thus, by introducing participatory democracy, one hopes to have a renewed context of public action, that is, the appearance of new actors of civil society as well as the emergence of new challenges. More explicitly, the comprehensive discussion on participatory democracy comes down to questioning the institutionalization of participatory practices, in other words, it is about discussing the procedure and rules put in place by public authorities to achieve ideal participation. [...]
[...] This approach has the advantage of resting relatively little on a particular minority that is particularly mobilized.7 Here, the idea is that this emancipation reaches beyond high politics, to the spheres of everyday life, through the dynamism of engagement at work or in municipal politics, for example. Thus, in the participatory perspective, the rationalization of the individual is envisioned in his ability to learn. Participation is therefore approached as a privileged means of political socialization and a tool of civic education.8 From what has been said, we understand that the participatory argument is nothing more than the dynamism of the participation process. However, for a crispy continuation, the author invites us to consider the current of deliberation. [...]
[...] In this part of our work, we showcase the participatory project. In fact, for the participatory thinkers of the 1960s, the individual's reason is revalued in order to refute the thesis of the 'irrationality of the crowds', that is, the mass of average citizens. According to them, this approach is based on a bad understanding of man, that is to say that here, the individual is considered as an irrational being, not predictable. From then on, it becomes less important to give him an important political role, notably the election of his leaders."5 According to the participatory logic, the citizen is not this individual without competence and limited in his understanding of politics. [...]
[...] From then on, we can attribute to them a real power that is left to voluntary organizations and free institutions.13 The people thus have their destiny in hand. It is therefore allowed the creation of organizations and to identify their leaders in the neighborhoods. Beyond this creation, these organizations deserve to be trained and formed to lead actions. In conclusion, it should be noted that participatory democracy testifies to the embryonic constitution of a so-called fourth power, alongside the executive, legislative, and judicial powers. This power therefore allows the appearance of citizen participation in decision-making. [...]
[...] It has even become a means for politicians to convince in order to benefit from an extra soul and legitimacy.3 Resulting from the meeting of two distinct approaches valuing citizen participation, participatory democracy is a political project proposing the development of participation spaces outside traditional electoral mechanisms. The objective is not to replace representative democracy, but to transform it in a way that encourages the direct engagement of citizens in public decision-making.4 It is therefore admitted the participatory argument without setting aside the deliberation current as procedures of the participation of the popular class in public affairs. The participatory argument Such as is admitted today, participatory democracy results from a dualism of approaches. Which approaches value citizen participation. [...]
