Extract
[...] Firstly, the peculiarity of Turks in France lies particularly in their significant structuration through the associative movement that they have taken hold of. 'In 1981, on the occasion of the commemoration of the 1901 law, a legislative change allows foreigners to create and direct associations in France. Turkish nationals quickly seize this new opportunity.',5 » They structure themselves in associations bringing together Turkish nationals, particularly in workers' friendly societies that are both places of sociability and religious practice. In the wake of the political troubles that emerge in Turkey in the 80s, Turkish asylum seekers and political refugees 'contribute to the birth of a politicized and engaged associative movement, committed to defending the rights of immigrant workers and recognizing cultural specificities: in Turkey, the time is conflict in Kurdish-majority regions, violence against Alevi populations, and marginalization of Christian populations, particularly Assyrian-Chaldean.',6». [...]
[...] The installation of the Turks was made with an economic motive, but very quickly in the 1970s, France was hit by an economic recession. 'As early as the winter of 1973-1974, industrial production stagnates in France and layoffs multiply'3 ». The Turks appeal to the solidarity of other Turkish compatriots at that time to be hired in companies where they work. The Turkish community therefore gradually arrives in France and grows thanks to the effects of family reunification. The book returns in a part of the book on the life of the first arriving Turks who were mainly men, who lived alone, but who could have a family in Turkey. [...]
[...] The places of installation in France are therefore, initially, determined by the proximity of the companies that hired these Turkish workers: 'The location of the new arrivals in France follows the geography of the sectors of activity in which they were hired: mechanical construction and the automotive industry, metallurgy, plastics, building and public works. In addition, the sectors of clothing and textiles, and agricultural activities. ' ( . ) 'In 1971, two-thirds of Turkish workers were implanted in four regions: the Paris region, Alsace, Lorraine and Rhône-Alpes (Alpine valleys and Loire department)'2». [...]
[...] After about 20 years of Turkish immigration, the left is in power in France. There are possibilities of being naturalized in France. The book reveals that Turks are not the immigrants in France who are most demanding of French nationality, all the more so since most of them wish to have a double nationality in this case. The book also reveals that for children born in France, their parents did not hesitate to make advance requests for French nationality and this for several reasons: these young people could sometimes grow up and evolve between France and Turkey or to avoid restricting their freedom of movement in one or the other country. [...]
[...] The book is well attached to describing the different stages and evolutions that Turkish communities have experienced by coming to settle in France. First, it was rather young single men alone, then from the 80s, the possibilities of family reunification allowed these young men to be joined by their wives, possibly their children. The Turkish diaspora in France faced many obstacles: between respect for French legislation and a form of allegiance to their Turkish origins. Gradually, the Turks of France managed to combine resistance to French assimilation and affirmation of their cultural specificity. [...]
