"Introduction of Parliamentary Regime in France under Louis XVIII and Charles X: Principles and Practices"
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Parliamentary government France, cabinet government, representative government, legislative power, executive power, Prosper Duvergier de Hauranne, Joseph Barthélémy, Second Restoration, Preamble of the Charter, monarchical power, liberalization, parliamentarization, political regime, ministerial responsibility, penal responsibility, Louis XVIII, Charles X, Charter 1814, royal prerogatives, government of the King, Article 13, Article 55, De Vitrolles, Guizot, Du gouvernement représentatif et de l'état actuel de la France, In the Ministry in the Representative Government, parliamentary regime, English example, constitutional revolutionary adventure, institutional system, political system, national acclimatization, France parliamentary history, constitutional monarchy, 19th century France politics, French political history, parliamentary system evolution
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Abstract
Discover the evolution of France's parliamentary government under Louis XVIII and Charles X through Joseph Barthélémy's insightful analysis. This excerpt explores how cabinet government principles were introduced and applied during the Restoration period, highlighting the complex dynamics between the monarch's authority and the rising influence of the chambers. Learn how key figures like Prosper Duvergier de Hauranne and Guizot contributed to the liberalization and parliamentarization of the regime, shaping France's political landscape. Uncover the nuances of ministerial responsibility, royal prerogatives, and the gradual shift towards a more representative government, providing valuable context for understanding France's constitutional development.
Contents
Ministers under the influence of royal preeminence
A royal appointment, the King, the sole head of the executive
A maintenance conditioned by the trust of the King
Ministers forced to collaborate with chambers exercising a portion of the legislative power
A compulsory collaboration
A solicitation of royal trust in case of hostility from the chambers
Ministers under the influence of royal preeminence
A royal appointment, the King, the sole head of the executive
A maintenance conditioned by the trust of the King
Ministers forced to collaborate with chambers exercising a portion of the legislative power
A compulsory collaboration
A solicitation of royal trust in case of hostility from the chambers
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Extract
[...] Which, he concludes, does not mean his disappearance in the determination of national policy. The ministers must also be able to be monitored by the parliamentary majority. Going further, Chateaubriand reduces the personal action of the monarch to a minimum. According to him, nothing should proceed directly from the King. The government must therefore be the affair, primarily, of the ministry. In fact, due to the political irresponsibility of the monarch, the responsibility resting solely on the ministers, they should logically be endowed with the power to govern. [...]
[...] This monarchist conception of power is evident without contest with reference to "divine providence". Above all, the full authority of the King is reaffirmed by the figure of the constituent who grants the Charter to his subjects as well as by the enumeration of the royal prerogatives grouped under the expression "government of the King" from Article 13 of the constitutional text. This provision gives precisely to the monarch the entirety of executive power. Article 16 gives him the monopoly of legislative initiative; the chambers can only solicit him to deposit a bill. [...]
[...] The introduction of the parliamentary regime in France under Louis XVIII and Charles Excerpt - Joseph Barthélémy (1900) - How were the principles and practices of the cabinet government introduced and applied at that time? In 1900, the Faculty of Law of Paris had organized a competition in constitutional law as follows: "The parliamentary regime in France under Louis XVIII and Charles X. To research how the principles and practices of the cabinet government were introduced and applied at that time. ». [...]
[...] This is at least, the vision of the ministers of their own condition. From a conceptual point of view, the supporters of this reading are quite right to point out that any other interpretation of ministerial responsibility would very certainly undermine the dignity of the monarch. In fact, how can one allow the assembly of representatives of the country to overthrow the ministers without touching the authority of the monarch, who is otherwise declared inviolable and sacred? How can one leave such a faculty to the same assembly without fearing a destructive political instability? [...]
[...] Article 13, already mentioned in the Charter, indeed affirms the principle of ministerial responsibility. Since the monarch is free to appoint the ministers, he is also free to dismiss them or to provoke their resignation. Therefore, the maintenance in place of the ministers depends entirely on the royal trust. But, this responsibility only takes place before the sovereign king. In support of this analysis, it can be observed that this responsibility of the ministers before the unique head of the executive is in no way similar to the ministerial responsibility of a political nature so characteristic of the parliamentary regime. [...]
