Authoritarian regimes, political participation, conflict, mobilization, revolution, democracy, clientelism, pluralism, political science, James C Scott, Charles Tilly, Sidney Tarrow, Russian Federation, Vladimir Putin, Alexey Navalny, hidden text, public text, political dissimulation, symbolic inversions, carnival, coercion, propaganda, political freedom, genuine pluralism
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Abstract
This document discusses the concept of political participation in authoritarian regimes, highlighting the dynamics between the dominated and the dominant, and the role of hidden and public texts in shaping political conflict.
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[...] If we invest in a conflict, it's to find satisfaction, a certain happiness. This can be linked to our values that are not respected (so we try to put them forward) or that we are too disappointed with the policy led by the dominant, etc. Thus, for example, in an authoritarian regime, the governed - due to discontent with the oppression exercised by the leaders against them - may decide to mobilize. They enter into conflict with the regime and may make claims such as political freedom, genuine pluralism, etc. [...]
[...] It is also through grammar and words that intimidation and domination are exercised. Even if the dominant are aware that the dominated are against the government's policy and regime and express themselves in private and intimate settings against domination, it is absolutely necessary to prevent these discourses from appearing publicly (otherwise, domination could give in). This is where the public text has its function, 'it does not consist in obtaining the consent of the subordinates, but rather in intimidating them and making them afraid in order to make them obey effectively and durably' - James C. [...]
[...] Finally, elections under authoritarian regimes can allow for maintaining and stabilizing the regime. III- How far can it go? The Politics of Conflict Certainly, in authoritarian regimes, where political participation by the dominated can be risky, even dangerous for individuals, a conflict and mobilization can erupt and thus become a political conflict. Even if not all conflicts are political, a conflict becomes political when the state intervenes directly or indirectly in it. To take up the definition of Charles Tilly (1929-2008; American sociologist) and Sidney Tarrow (1938- ; also an American sociologist): "The politics of conflict is made up of interactions where actors raise claims that affect the interests of other actors, which leads to the coordination of shared efforts and where the state is involved, either as the recipient of the claim, or as an instigator, or as a third party". [...]
[...] The participation of the dominated As its name indicates, the 'hidden text' must be concealed from the dominant members of the regime. This hidden text is structured around two frameworks: a protected social space from domination as well as a strong internal and social cohesion. These protected social spaces are found particularly in areas least surveilled by the system of domination. The tavern, the marketplace, crowds, etc . These are uncadred social spaces, gathering places that therefore escape the control of domination. [...]
[...] Although the notion of authoritarian elections seems like an oxymoron. They do exist and are not always synonymous with falsification of counting or fraud, etc. On the contrary, these elections have several functions and reveal the behavior of the led as well as the leaders. Elections have a clientelistic redistributive function of resources to the great powers of the regime, to capture the most important mandates and positions of the State and therefore to access benefits and to get closer to the government and to strengthen political capital and social ascension of those who want to be part of the leaders. [...]
